American Heritage History of the Civil War
James M. McPherson, Bruce Catton
Format: PDF / Kindle (mobi) / ePub
Here is Pulitzer Prize-winning author Bruce Catton's unsurpassed account of the Civil War, one of the most moving chapters in American history.
Introduced by Pulitzer Prize-winner James M. McPherson, the book vividly traces the epic struggle between the Blue and Gray, from the early division between the North and South to the final surrender of Confederate troops.
James River - still close enough to the Confederate capital and still strong enough to resume the offensive on short notice, yet temporarily out of circulation for all that. (Like Halleck, McClellan was not especially aggressive.) In northern Virginia, the Federal government had put together a new army, 50,000 men or thereabouts, troops who might have gone down to help McClellan in the spring, but who had been held back because of Jackson’s game in the Shenandoah Valley. This army had been
had the French minister in Washington suggest to Seward that there ought to be a meeting of Northern and Southern representatives to see whether the war might not be brought to a close. Seward politely but firmly rejected this idea, and Congress, much less politely, formally resolved that any foreign government that made such proposals was thereby committing an unfriendly act. Whether Napoleon really expected anything to come of his idea is a question; he probably wanted a Southern victory but
accept him. In both sections, the early regiments were loaded down with baggage, as well as with many strange notions. These sons of a rawboned democracy considered it degrading to give immediate and unquestioning obedience to orders, and they had a way of wanting to debate things, or at least to have them explained, before they acted. In the South, a hot-blooded young private might challenge a company officer to a duel if he felt that such a course was called for, and if the Northern regiments
himself. Of the rightness of that cause, he never had a doubt, and it was hard for him to understand that others might not see that rightness as easily as he did. Essentially a legalist, he had been put in charge of the strangest of revolutions - an uprising of conservatives who would overturn things in order to preserve a cherished status quo - and he would do his unwavering best to make the revolution follow the proper forms. He had had much experience with politics, yet it had been the
Seward, finally came to see that the president was boss, and he was an uncommonly energetic and able administrator. Salmon P. Chase, secretary of the treasury, was another man who had sought the Republican presidential nomination in 1860 and who, failing to get it, believed firmly that the better man had lost. He had no conception of the loyalty a cabinet member might be supposed to owe to the president who had appointed him, and in 1864, he worked hard, while still in Lincoln’s cabinet, to take